Zambia's Unburied President Reshapes Tight Election Race

The body of former President Edgar Lungu has lain unburied for more than a year, and in that time, a bitter dispute over his final resting place has transformed from a family tragedy into the defining symbol of Zambia's most unpredictable election in years. As more than eight million registered voters prepare to go to the polls on Thursday, the ghost of the late leader haunts the campaign of the man who defeated him, President Hakainde Hichilema, turning what was expected to be a straightforward second-term victory into a genuine contest.

Zambia's Unburied President Reshapes Tight Election Race

Lusaka, Zambia — The afternoon heat blazes across Lusaka's bustling markets, where the familiar hum of commerce is now overlaid with campaign songs and jingles blaring from loudspeakers. Election posters are everywhere — from lamp posts and shop fronts to massive billboards, with the faces of presidential and parliamentary candidates looming over passers-by in a city holding its breath.

A Spectre Over the Campaign

Edgar Lungu died on 5 June last year in South Africa, but his body remains in limbo, caught in a bitter standoff between President Hichilema and the Lungu family. The family has made clear they want nothing to do with the incumbent when it comes to arranging the former president's burial, and the unresolved row has sharpened political divisions across the nation.

Lungu's death, the late surge of opposition challenger Brian Mundubile, persistent cost of living pressures and questions about electoral credibility have all reshaped the race. The dispute has energised support for the opposition National Reconciliation Party for Unity and Prosperity (NRPUP), particularly in the northern half of the country — traditional strongholds of Lungu's Patriotic Front (PF) — where people see the party as offering the best chance to unseat the incumbent.

For Hichilema and his United Party for National Development (UPND), which draws its core support from the south, west and north-west, the controversy has complicated what was supposed to be a victory lap after his 2021 landslide win on a platform of change.

The Race Reshaped: Mundubile's Surge

The political landscape shifted dramatically with Lungu's passing. The courts had ruled that he could not run again after having won two elections, but his death removed the opposition's most recognisable figure and initially appeared to create a smoother path to victory for the incumbent.

Instead, the PF fractured, with some politicians and supporters shifting to other opposition groups. This accelerated the consolidation of a split opposition around Mundubile, a 55-year-old lawyer, accountant and former government chief whip under Lungu. In a matter of weeks from filing his nomination papers in May, Mundubile's popularity grew as the presidential candidate of an opposition grouping, the Tonse-Pamodzi Alliance, running under the previously little-known NRPUP banner. His running mate is Makebi Zulu, a lawyer closely associated with the Lungu family.

The alliance has capitalised on lingering loyalty in former PF strongholds and on public frustration with the cost of living. Mundubile's central pitch is generational and inclusive.

"We are moving the women and the youth from the margins to the centre of policy and economic transformation," he told the BBC. "We believe the youths have solutions to most of their challenges. What they don't have is a big brother, what they don't have is a caring government to be able to assist them achieve their objectives and goals. So I'm positioning myself as president as big brother to the youth."

The Lungu legacy still hangs over the race. Mundubile has publicly pledged that he and Zulu would ensure a dignified burial for the former president if they win — a promise that resonates in a nation where funeral rites carry profound cultural weight.

Cost of Living on the Streets of Lusaka

The dominant conversation on street corners and in minibus taxis is the cost of living. Zambia has not been spared from the worldwide pressures of high food and energy prices that followed the pandemic and subsequent geopolitical shocks.

Annual inflation has cooled to around 6.6%, its lowest in eight years, and the currency, the kwacha, has strengthened, but for many households the relief remains theoretical.

"The cost of living, I cannot say is okay," says Given Kangwa, a 27-year-old flour-mill worker standing in Lusaka City Market. "Where I work, for example, the money we are getting paid is not enough and we cannot sustain our lives."

Kangwa explains that he is paid about 3,000 kwacha ($157; £117) a month, barely enough to cover food, rent and other expenses. Theresa Zulu, a street-food seller, puts it more starkly. "Money has become so hard to come by. We are trying to stay strong to survive, but things have become really hard for us."

Voters, as ever, are unforgiving. Macroeconomic gains matter less than the cost of cooking oil, which has risen by more than 70% over the past five years. Zambians have also been battling with an unreliable power supply. A severe drought in 2024-2025 slashed hydropower generation, creating power outages of up to 20 hours a day in parts of the country. The government has since ramped up costly electricity imports and accelerated solar projects, easing the blackouts in recent months. Yet the memory of darkened homes and food spoiling in fridges lingers.

Hichilema's Record and Defence

President Hichilema defends his record vigorously, saying that when he came to office things were a mess and he has laid the foundations for success.

"We inherited a broken-down country… the economy was declining," Hichilema told the BBC in Lusaka.

When he took office in 2021, Zambia was in debt distress and had been failing to make its payments. The subsequent restructuring of more than $13bn (£9.7bn) in external debt has, according to the president, produced annual savings of roughly $1.9bn.

"That's the money we're putting in the economy… into investment expenditure such as free education."

The free education policy — covering primary and secondary levels — has brought millions of children back into classrooms. Thousands of teachers and health workers have been hired. Constituency development funds have been sharply increased. Copper production, the backbone of the economy, has recovered strongly, foreign reserves have climbed to record levels and investor confidence has returned.

Supporters point to tangible openings. "I think opportunities have been increased, looking at the number of people who have been employed - it has increased amongst civil servants. And, opportunities have just increased," one young woman, who is hoping to become a teacher, said. The unemployment rate as measured by the statistics agency has registered a slight fall from 13% to 11% over the last four years.

Critics counter that the benefits have yet to reach enough families, and civil society groups worry that some opposition figures have been silenced after being convicted of hate speech despite Hichilema's promises of a more open democracy.

The Fractured Opposition and Lungu's Legacy

Second-hand clothes seller Enock Mabenga said he was backing Mundubile "because we want to improve our lives". But not everyone is persuaded by the opposition's return.

"I wouldn't love to see them come back in the first place because we gave them a chance to rule the country and we saw what they did," Edith Muntanga, in her late 30s, said, referring to the previous government's record on corruption and governance.

The row over Lungu's burial has become a potent political symbol. The family's refusal to allow Hichilema any role in the funeral arrangements speaks to the deep personal and political animosity between the two men, keeping the former president's memory — and his party's grievances — alive in the public consciousness.

Electoral Credibility Concerns

This election is the first under significant constitutional changes enacted in late 2025. The amendments introduced a mixed-member system for the National Assembly with most seats given on a constituency basis but some reflecting the proportion of votes each party gets. The number of constituency seats has expanded from 156 to 226, and 40 additional seats will be awarded through proportional representation: 20 for women, 15 for youth (counted as under 35) and five for persons with disabilities.

The reforms aim to boost representation in a parliament where women have long been under-represented. On the presidential ballot itself, gender representivity is limited: of the 14 candidates cleared by the electoral commission, only one is a woman — independent Given Katuta.

Civil society voices have raised concerns about the integrity of the process. Linda Kasonde, human rights activist and former president of the Law Association of Zambia, has questioned the composition of the electoral commission.

"In terms of the constitution of the electoral commission itself, a number of the members of the commission are actually politically aligned to the incumbent ruling party and are not seen to be independent," she said. "And so we're yet to see how they'll manage the actual election, but in the run-up to the election, there is some disquiet as to whether or not they're acting in the interest of all Zambians."

The commission has consistently rejected accusations of political bias, saying it operates strictly "within a constitutional mandate [and] adheres to principles of transparency and independence".

The Verdict on 13 August

To win in the first round, a presidential candidate needs to have more than 50% of the votes cast. A second round is triggered within 37 days if no-one reaches this threshold, which could happen with such a fragmented field.

Zambia has a proud record of peaceful elections and democratic transfers of power. That history is frequently invoked by all sides. Yet trust in institutions, the cost of living and the unfinished story of a former president's final resting place have combined to make this contest harder to predict.

As campaign rallies fill football grounds, Zambians are weighing the tangible gains of the past five years against the daily struggles that still define their lives. On 13 August, they will deliver their verdict — and in doing so, they may also decide when, and how, Edgar Lungu finally comes home.

This article was produced with AI-assisted research and editorial support. Sources: BBC News, Lusaka Times, Zambia Economist.

By Amara Diop, Staff Writer